+ - 0:00:00
Notes for current slide
Notes for next slide
  • We place Americans on a left-right scale using issue questions
  • But there's a deep problem with that approach
  • What if many of them don't have ideological attitudes at all?

Non-ideology in U.S. Politics

Experimenting with AI coding of open-end questions

G. Elliott Morris | Feb 5, 2026 | BlueLabs

1 / 35

The Problem: Measuring Ideology

2 / 35
  • We place Americans on a left-right scale using issue questions
  • But there's a deep problem with that approach
  • What if many of them don't have ideological attitudes at all?

How We Usually Measure Ideology

3 / 35

How We Usually Measure Ideology

Self-placement; or

3 / 35

How We Usually Measure Ideology

Self-placement; or

Ask issue questions, score responses left to right

3 / 35

How We Usually Measure Ideology

Self-placement; or

Ask issue questions, score responses left to right

"Do you favor or oppose a government health insurance plan?"

3 / 35

How We Usually Measure Ideology

Self-placement; or

Ask issue questions, score responses left to right

"Do you favor or oppose a government health insurance plan?"

Stack up enough issues and you get an ideology score

3 / 35
  • This is the standard approach in political science and in the industry
  • ANES, Pew, your own voter models — all built on issue batteries
  • The entire left-right spectrum is constructed from these responses

The Non-Attitudes Problem

4 / 35

The Non-Attitudes Problem

Converse (1964): Most Americans are not ideological, don't know which parties stand for what. And: Non-attitudes (Zaller).

4 / 35

The Non-Attitudes Problem

Converse (1964): Most Americans are not ideological, don't know which parties stand for what. And: Non-attitudes (Zaller).

Responses look random — low test-retest reliability on issue items

4 / 35

The Non-Attitudes Problem

Converse (1964): Most Americans are not ideological, don't know which parties stand for what. And: Non-attitudes (Zaller).

Responses look random — low test-retest reliability on issue items

But they still produce a score on the left-right scale

4 / 35

The Non-Attitudes Problem

Converse (1964): Most Americans are not ideological, don't know which parties stand for what. And: Non-attitudes (Zaller).

Responses look random — low test-retest reliability on issue items

But they still produce a score on the left-right scale

"Moderate" = genuinely centrist? Or measurement artifact?

4 / 35
  • Phil Converse showed that many Americans' issue responses are essentially coin flips
  • When you average random responses, you get the midpoint — the "center"
  • So the ideological center may be populated largely by non-attitudes
  • This isn't a new insight, but we haven't had good tools to detect it at scale

??

  • If you do this exercise for policy questions you can separate into "economic" and "social" policy, you get something like this:
5 / 35

Important to Get This Right

6 / 35

Important to Get This Right

If "moderates" are really non-ideological, then:

6 / 35

Important to Get This Right

If "moderates" are really non-ideological, then:

  • Scoring based on issue questions misclassifies them
6 / 35

Important to Get This Right

If "moderates" are really non-ideological, then:

  • Scoring based on issue questions misclassifies them

  • "Move to the center" strategies target phantom voters

6 / 35

Important to Get This Right

If "moderates" are really non-ideological, then:

  • Scoring based on issue questions misclassifies them

  • "Move to the center" strategies target phantom voters

  • The left-right spectrum doesn't describe the plurality of voters

6 / 35
  • This has real consequences for how campaigns and analysts think about persuasion
  • You can't persuade someone to move along a dimension they're not on

So what do we do?

We need a new measurement approach that can distinguish ideologues from non-ideologues.

7 / 35
  • We need to separate signal from noise in how voters express preferences

The Data

Strength in Numbers/Verasight Poll

8 / 35

The Data

Strength in Numbers/Verasight Poll

  • n = 2,038 nationally representative respondents
8 / 35

The Data

Strength in Numbers/Verasight Poll

  • n = 2,038 nationally representative respondents

  • Fielded Nov. 2025

8 / 35

The Data

Strength in Numbers/Verasight Poll

  • n = 2,038 nationally representative respondents

  • Fielded Nov. 2025

  • Open-ended question: "In a few words, what would your ideal political party argue for or believe in?"

8 / 35

The Data

Strength in Numbers/Verasight Poll

  • n = 2,038 nationally representative respondents

  • Fielded Nov. 2025

  • Open-ended question: "In a few words, what would your ideal political party argue for or believe in?"

  • Some aux. vars for analysis: party ID, ideo self-placement, etc.

8 / 35

Why Open-Ended?

Avoids the core problems of issue batteries:

9 / 35

Why Open-Ended?

Avoids the core problems of issue batteries:

  1. Non-attitudes: No scale midpoint to default to — if you're not ideological, it shows
9 / 35

Why Open-Ended?

Avoids the core problems of issue batteries:

  1. Non-attitudes: No scale midpoint to default to — if you're not ideological, it shows

  2. Researcher priors: We don't impose our issue agendas on respondents

9 / 35

Why Open-Ended?

Avoids the core problems of issue batteries:

  1. Non-attitudes: No scale midpoint to default to — if you're not ideological, it shows

  2. Researcher priors: We don't impose our issue agendas on respondents

  3. Proxy variables: "Liberal/conservative" means different things to different people

9 / 35

Why Open-Ended?

Avoids the core problems of issue batteries:

  1. Non-attitudes: No scale midpoint to default to — if you're not ideological, it shows

  2. Researcher priors: We don't impose our issue agendas on respondents

  3. Proxy variables: "Liberal/conservative" means different things to different people

  4. Forced categorization: Respondents express what they actually care about

9 / 35
  • The open-ended format is the key methodological innovation here
  • Open-ended responses sidestep the non-attitudes problem
  • It lets us see what voters actually prioritize, in their own words
  • And critically, it lets us distinguish ideological from non-ideological thinking
  • If someone has no ideological views, it shows up in what they write
  • No forced choice, no midpoint to default to

Process

1. Categorize respondents based on human inspection of text

2. Use LLM to extract data from text

3. Explore relationship between LLM scores and categories

4. Learn!

10 / 35

Initial Findings (from a human)

11 / 35

Five Types of "Ideal Parties"

??

  • The plurality of voters want an "affordability party" - not left or right
  • True moderates - people who articulate centrist ideological positions - are rare
  • Most "moderates" in traditional polls are actually non-ideological
12 / 35

13 / 35
  • more validation

14 / 35
  • more validation

15 / 35
  • more validation

LLM Methodology

16 / 35

LLM Methodology

Used GPT 5.1 to extract from each response:

17 / 35

LLM Methodology

Used GPT 5.1 to extract from each response:

  1. Issues mentioned (list of topics)
17 / 35

LLM Methodology

Used GPT 5.1 to extract from each response:

  1. Issues mentioned (list of topics)

  2. Economic left-right score (1-10)

17 / 35

LLM Methodology

Used GPT 5.1 to extract from each response:

  1. Issues mentioned (list of topics)

  2. Economic left-right score (1-10)

  3. Social left-right score (1-10)

17 / 35

LLM Methodology

Used GPT 5.1 to extract from each response:

  1. Issues mentioned (list of topics)

  2. Economic left-right score (1-10)

  3. Social left-right score (1-10)

  4. Ideology strength score (1-10): How ideologically structured is this response?

17 / 35
  • LLMs are excellent at this kind of text classification
  • The ideology strength score is the key innovation
  • It captures whether the response uses ideological framing at all

The Prompt (excerpt)

prompt

18 / 35
  • The prompt distinguishes between POSITION and STRUCTURE
  • Key insight: ideology strength is independent of position

Validation

19 / 35

Validation

1. Human coding: 200 and 96% agreement on issue category, MAE of 0.8 on metrics

19 / 35

Validation

1. Human coding: 200 and 96% agreement on issue category, MAE of 0.8 on metrics

2. Construct validity: correlation between ideology strength and political knowledge

19 / 35

Validation

1. Human coding: 200 and 96% agreement on issue category, MAE of 0.8 on metrics

2. Construct validity: correlation between ideology strength and political knowledge

3. Correlation between LLM scores and human-coded categories for ideological strength and position

19 / 35
  • Human coding results
  • Construct validity

LLM Results

20 / 35

21 / 35

22 / 35

23 / 35
  • Traditional view would expect a big cluster in the center
  • We do see that - but what does it mean?
  • The contours show where voters concentrate

24 / 35

just more validation

The Third Dimension

Ideological strength

25 / 35

Introducing Ideological Strength

26 / 35
  • Affordability and populist voters have LOW ideology strength
  • They're not expressing moderate ideology - they're not using ideology at all
  • Partisans on both sides think more ideologically

27 / 35
  • When we weight by ideology strength, the center disappears
  • The voters in the middle aren't moderate ideologues
  • They're non-ideological voters who happen to score as "centrist"

28 / 35

29 / 35

also a relationship between the categories and 3-d placement

What This Means

30 / 35
  • (before that, ask if people want to see plots again)
  • taking off my data hat and putting on my analyst hat

Key Finding

"Moderates" aren't centrist ideologues

31 / 35

Key Finding

"Moderates" aren't centrist ideologues

They're non-ideological voters focused on material wellbeing

31 / 35

Key Finding

"Moderates" aren't centrist ideologues

They're non-ideological voters focused on material wellbeing

The left-right spectrum doesn't describe them

31 / 35

Key Finding

"Moderates" aren't centrist ideologues

They're non-ideological voters focused on material wellbeing

The left-right spectrum doesn't describe them

Asking them to pick "left vs. right" is asking the wrong question

31 / 35
  • This reframes the entire strategic debate
  • Winning "moderates" isn't about moving to the center ideologically
  • It's about speaking to non-ideological concerns: affordability, fairness, results

Strategic Implications

The escape hatch from L vs. R

32 / 35

Strategic Implications

The escape hatch from L vs. R

  1. Affordability messaging resonates with the plurality, slightly left-leaning
32 / 35

Strategic Implications

The escape hatch from L vs. R

  1. Affordability messaging resonates with the plurality, slightly left-leaning

  2. Non-ideological framing reaches voters traditional campaigns miss

32 / 35

Strategic Implications

The escape hatch from L vs. R

  1. Affordability messaging resonates with the plurality, slightly left-leaning

  2. Non-ideological framing reaches voters traditional campaigns miss

  3. Material benefits > ideological positioning

32 / 35

Strategic Implications

The escape hatch from L vs. R

  1. Affordability messaging resonates with the plurality, slightly left-leaning

  2. Non-ideological framing reaches voters traditional campaigns miss

  3. Material benefits > ideological positioning

  4. "Common sense" isn't centrism - it's non-ideology

32 / 35
  • Democrats can escape the "move left vs. center" trap
  • The answer is to focus on kitchen-table issues
  • Speak in concrete terms about making life better
  • Avoid ideological framing that alienates non-ideological voters

Conclusion

33 / 35

Winning in 2026/2028

The party that wins non-ideological, affordability-minded voters will win the next election(s).

34 / 35

Winning in 2026/2028

The party that wins non-ideological, affordability-minded voters will win the next election(s).

They're the largest group (38%)

34 / 35

Winning in 2026/2028

The party that wins non-ideological, affordability-minded voters will win the next election(s).

They're the largest group (38%)

And they're not asking for left or right

34 / 35

Winning in 2026/2028

The party that wins non-ideological, affordability-minded voters will win the next election(s).

They're the largest group (38%)

And they're not asking for left or right

They're asking for results

34 / 35
  • This is the strategic takeaway
  • Don't fight on the ideological battlefield
  • Meet voters where they are
  • Focus on affordability, fairness, and tangible improvements

Thank you!

35 / 35

The Problem: Measuring Ideology

2 / 35
  • We place Americans on a left-right scale using issue questions
  • But there's a deep problem with that approach
  • What if many of them don't have ideological attitudes at all?
Paused

Help

Keyboard shortcuts

, , Pg Up, k Go to previous slide
, , Pg Dn, Space, j Go to next slide
Home Go to first slide
End Go to last slide
Number + Return Go to specific slide
b / m / f Toggle blackout / mirrored / fullscreen mode
c Clone slideshow
p Toggle presenter mode
t Restart the presentation timer
?, h Toggle this help
Esc Back to slideshow